The
concrete analysis: on the formation of the EFF Youth Command
MAB
Shongwe
Introduction.
On
the 10th of October 2024, the President and Commander in Chief of
the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), together with the officials addressed a
media briefing on the upcoming 3rd National People’s Assembly (3rd
NPA) and other domestic and international politics.
In
relation to the 3rd NPA, the core objective of the presser was to
present the core messages carried by the various discussion documents. The
discussion documents seek to facilitate, guide, and coordinate discussions outside
and inside the conference, as conferences of the EFF are not only about
electing new leadership but reflecting on the party, evaluate its leadership
and its work of the last five years, thereafter, give mandate of the next five
years to the organisation and the leadership that will emerge.
Speaking
on the core message carried by the document on organisational character and
redesign, the CIC indicated that the document ponders on whether in the
formation of the Youth Command, does the EFFSC ceases to exist, or continues to
exist, if it does continue existing, in what format. To quote directly from the
document, it ponders “In the formation of the Youth Command, the NPA must
decide if the Student Command becomes the chapter of the Youth Command, or it becomes
the Youth Command altogether. Meaning, branches that exist in campuses become
youth command based in institutions of higher learning and as those in ward. In
addition, we must also determine if we also form youth command branches in high
schools in the founding of the Youth Command. In essence, all education
institutions must have an EFF presence”.
In
this article, we are going to argue that first and foremost, the EFFSC must
continue existing but expand its mandate to basic education. Secondly, we are
going to argue that in the current conjuncture, we do not need the EFFYC but
what we must do, if the organisation strongly believes the youth component is
neglected (which in itself is a serious point of debate), we can remodel
existing structures, particularly at ward level such that they have a component
that deals specifically with youth issues. Lastly, we are going to argue that in
the event where the EFFYC is eventually formed, it must not happen at the
expense of the EFFSC, the EFFSC and EFFYC can and must coexist.
On the existence of the EFFSC
As
indicated in the introductory session, our firm view is that the EFFSC in its
current form is a solid organisation that has captured the imagination and
support of young people and workers in institutions of higher education.
Furthermore, it is an organisation that contributes meaningfully to the growth
and politics of the EFF, particularly electoral politics.
To
demonstrate our case, we are going to deal what we characterise as Criticism of
the Past and the practical response to such critique by the EFFSC, which has
contributed to the solid organisation it is today. Lastly, we are going to use
the recent departure of Floyd Shivambu to demonstrate how the EFFSC remains the
first line of defence of the EFF whenever it is under attack from political
opponents and the hostile white-owned media.
Criticism of the past
In
the 3rd National Students’ Assembly (3rd NSA), the CIC strongly
critiqued the EFFSC, arguing that it was struggling to have a life of its own,
run its affairs, contest and win SRC elections without the heavy reliance on
the EFF. He further strongly argued that the decision to form the EFFSC was a
mistake, since the EFF was itself still forming (we return to this particular
view later in the article).
The
EFF, through its national leaders, notably the former deputy president who has
lost his senses, criticised the EFFSC inability to convert the support it
enjoys in institutions of higher education, particularly support in SRC
elections, to the electoral fortunes of the EFF.
In
wards where there are institutions of higher education where the EFFSC enjoyed
electoral hegemony in SRC elections, the EFF did not enjoy the same support.
Of
course, this was a serious contradiction as the EFFSC does not exist for itself
but as correctly captured in its Constitution, it is established in terms of
the EFF Constitution to rally on young people and workers behind the struggle
of economic freedom in our lifetime, under the stewardship of the EFF.
Response to the criticism
The
EFFSC warmly welcomed the correct observation of the CIC, and the leadership
that emerged in the 3rd NSA was charged with the responsibility of
ensuring that the contradictions identified by the CIC were sharpened. And in
the years that followed, the EFFSC went on to build a very solid organisation
that had the capacity to run its programs, and most importantly build a
machinery for SRC elections.
The
EFFSC went on to win many institutions of higher education in the country which
were previously led by the criminal cartel masquerading as a political
formation called SASCO.
The
leadership of the 4th NSA took this work to a different level, which
for the first time managed to host an anniversary rally of the EFFSC in 2023
without heavy reliance on the EFF. The EFFSC won SRC elections in almost all
universities in the country, and for the first time, won SRC elections in all
universities in the Eastern Cape province, a former stronghold of SASCO and
stronghold of the ANC.
In
relation to the inability of the EFFSC to translate its votes in institutions
of higher education to votes of the EFF in local voting stations and wards, the
EFFSC responded by making this question the core business of its 4th
NSA. And the 4th NSA made intervention which will transform the
EFFSC as an organisation fundamentally and respond to the above contradiction.
The
EFFSC amended its Constitution and made it mandatory that for one to be a
member of the EFFSC, outside being a registered student in an institution of
higher education, that person must be a member of the EFF in a local ward, and
they must be registered voters with the IEC.
Outside
of this important amendment to the Constitution, the EFFSC 4th NSA
leadership led massive voter registration campaigns across the country in all
institutions of higher education. This program ensured that many young people
who believe and support the EFFSC in universities and TVET colleges, register
to vote for the EFF in the May election.
And
the result of the work that was done in the 4th NSA in amending the
Constitution and the massive voter registration programs that were ran were
shown on both the voting day and after. In voting stations that where within
and in proximity to institutions of higher education, young people came out in
their numbers as seen in the videos that were circulating on social media on
the day of voting. And the election results demonstrated that majority of those
young people were voting for the EFF, as in voting stations within and in
proximity to institutions of higher education, the EFF either registered exponential
growth or even won such VDs, and even wards in some cases.
In
the past 4 to 5 years, the EFFSC has managed to establish itself as a solid
organisation that is support massively by students and workers in institutions
of higher education. It has built itself as an organisation that responds to
its core mandate of rallying students who support it behind the electoral
fortunes of the EFF, and the May election proved that beyond any reasonable
doubt.
The
only question that the EFFSC must respond to, is the question of the challenges
of basic education, of absent and debilitated infrastructure, absence of study
materials and facilities, shortage of teachers, violence and drug abuse, and
many other challenges. In the absence of the Leaners Command, the EFFSC must be
able to fill such a gap through expanding its mandate to basic education, this
can be done through establishing higher school cells which will be led by
leaners and work closely with the leadership of the EFFSC.
On the formation of the Youth Command
I.B
Tabata in his letter to Nelson Mandela makes a very profound observation,
arguing that in the context of the struggle for a better life for the African
working-class, the importance of organisation does not lie on the subjective
goodwill of its leaders and the well thoughts of its members. What is
important, is that objectively, what contribution the organisation makes in the
advancement of the objectives of the struggle.
On
the formation, we must take guidance from Tabata and ponder on whether
objectively, do the material conditions within the organisation and the
political environment domestically dictate the formation of the EFFSC.
Let
us take a brief tour to history of the formation of the Congress Youth League
in the 1940s, an important generation in our pursuit of economic freedom in our
lifetime. The formation of the Congress Youth League was not a product of the
subjective aspirations of certain individuals, but was necessitated by the
prevailing objective material conditions of that time. The ANC was an
ineffectual organisation whose main method of struggle was appealing to the
conscience of the oppressor to recognise and accommodate the natives,
particularly the educated elite, was proving useless. Africans were landless
and confined to unproductive and underdeveloped homelands, they were subjected
to forced labour and perpetual violence, poverty, and despair. The ANC was
unable to respond to all this, it is these conditions of Africans and the
inability of the ANC to respond that resulted in the formation of the Congress
Youth League.
The
Congress Youth League will go on to inspire and lead a radical trajectory which
reshaped, repositioned, and rejuvenated the liberation movement in the country.
Most notably, was the Program of Action. The YL will go on to produce future
leaders of the African revolution, the likes of Prof Sobukwe, A.P Mda, Anton
Lembede, Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo, and many others.
In
pondering about forming the YC, we must be guided by the prevailing material
conditions. And our view is that in the current conjuncture, we do not need the
YC. The organisation is coming from a very difficult election which saw the
organisation’s electoral performance declining for the first time since its
formation.
The
post-election context is even more challenging, with leaders and members
defecting to the MKP. Similarly, we do not think there is anyone who can
demonstrate objectively, that the EFF does not respond to issues of young
people and thus needs a YC to fill that gap. In fact, the EFF is an
organisation that is led by young people and enjoys the support of many young
people across the country. On issues of young people, most notably being
unemployment, it is the EFF that has been at the forefront of speaking about
the issue and proposing sound interventions. In the election manifesto, the EFF
proposes unemployment grants for young people, with educational background as a
criterion for how much each unemployed young person will get.
It
is true that young people suffer the most for the socioeconomic post-apartheid
disaster of the so-called democratic project, but the EFF represents and
responds to such challenges to the best of its ability, in parliament and in
the legislature, including through programs on the ground.
Lastly,
I think it is important to take cue from the intervention of the CIC in the 3rd
NSA of the EFFSC. He argues that the EFF is still forming itself, it was a
mistake to establish another organisation while the EFF was itself forming. The
EFF and its EFFSC while being very solid organisations, they are still forming.
With the challenges of the recent electoral decline and the looming 2026 Local
Government Elections, the EFF must not form another organisation but must
dedicate its effort towards rebuilding and building a machinery for the 2026
LGE.
If
the organisation strongly believe that the youth component is neglected, in the
immediate a YC is not the answer, but we can remodel our regional and local
structures such that they have a component, similar to the GBV and Labour
desks, to respond to issues and challenges of young people.
Coexistence of the EFFSC and EFFYC
Our
view that we do not need the EFFYC in the immediate does not mean a YC will not
be formed in the future. In an event where the EFFYC is formed, it must not be
at the expense of the EFFSC, the two must coexist.
Responding
to media questions during the press address, the CIC indicates that they do not
want the situation of SASCO and the ANCYL where they fight and contest each
other. On the organisational character and redesign, the document makes a
profound observation that as the EFF, we must not measure ourselves using
existing political formations in the country, but we must measure ourselves in
relation to our guiding documents and our work in communities, in parliament
and the legislature. The ANCYL and SASCO openly defy, contradict, and denounce
the ANC, its leaders, and its resolutions. Regional ANC leaders contradict
Provincial leaders, Provincial leaders contradict National leaders. In the EFF
you will never find such ill-discipline, there is command and control, there is
democracy in discussion but adherence to decisions and resolution, lower
structures respect the wisdom and decisions of higher structures. The EFFSC
respects the EFF, its leaders, and its resolutions, it will do the same with
the YC.
We
firmly believe that when the YC is eventually formed, it will coexist with the
EFFSC.
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