Views From Governance: Services To the People! by Lindokuhle Mponco

On the 18th of October 2023, the Students of the University of Fort Hare determined their course for the next 12 months. In the words of Marx & Engels, "All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses his real conditions of life, and his relations with his kind."  Marx & Engels use this quote to highlight the power of a revolutionary transformation. This type of transformation is a sweeping one as it qualitatively and quantitatively transforms one society to another society. As Marx & Engels would say, 'it creates the world after its own image', therefore, the revolutionary transformation is not only a cosmetic change, but a thorough going process which fundamentally changes society from the marrow to the bone, to the skin. The 18th of October 2023 despite our sentimentalist views cannot be categorized in this orthodox Marxist understanding of how a revolution transforms society but can definitely be seen as a landmark in the political history of the University of Fort Hare. 

Results of 18th of October 2023

On the 18th of October 2023, the University of Fort Hare went to SRC elections after a 2-year absence of elections due to many bureaucratic maneuvers, and outright suppression of democracy by the Institutional Management in cahoots with a layer of counter-revolutionary students who are Student aristocrats. In the article titled Renew Student Governance Now, and On the decline of SASCO and the Rise of the EFFSC in UFH which were published on the 8th of August and on the 10th of September 2022, we dealt with the Student-Bureaucratic dictatorship, and how it creates student politicians who become student aristocrats. They become aristocrats due to their proximity to managers and the subsequent cooption that comes with it. Thus, creating an elite of students who operate as pacifiers of the student populace which is majority peasantry & working class in terms of class background. These aristocrats collaborated with the Institutional Management to keep democracy at bay while trying to unconstitutionally and undemocratically review, amend, and adopt a new Student Governance Constitution (SGC). This plan failed due to the militant opposition of the EFFSC. Other political players like SASCO and PASMA did it for the opportunistic reason of merely electing a new Secretariat, and seeing whether it was necessary to go to elections or extend the term of the Interim SRC to April 2024. 

The fact that such plans were afoot, and the implementation of such was underway shows the degenerate and corrupt state of the political space within the University of Fort Hare, and the Sector of Higher Education at large. However, we must state that such a plan would have never been possible without cooperation from certain forces within the Institutional Management. Thus, the election of the ISP Secretariat was as integral as announcing the date of elections, which the EFFSC and SASCO pushed for after the EFFSC tactically convinced SASCO to support the EFFSC candidate for Speaker (Fighter Luyanda Ndlovu), and the announcement of the elections date in return for the EFFSC supporting their candidate for Organizer (Cde. Haward Mkaza), and elections date not too far apart from what the EFFSC desired. If we are being historically accurate, the final date of the 18th of October was proposed by a SASCO member and Chairperson of the JCI, Cde. Lebho Ralana, and supported by the current Secretary-General of the SRC, Fighter Yamkela Situnda, unless the minutes of the sitting will prove otherwise on the seconder. The fact remains that the tactical alliance of bitter political rivals produced the date which gave political organizations within the institution a sobering outcome. 

On the 18th of October 2023, the EFFSC declared the day as a day of revolution due to the sweeping victory it received in Alice (Main Campus) and East London Campus (Satellite Campus). In Alice Campus, the EFFSC received 5/10 seats, while SASCO received 3/10 seats, and PASMA received 2/10 seats. In East London Campus, the EFFSC received 7/10 seats, and SASCO received 3/10 seats. The twist of fortunes happened in the Institutional SRC seats. The EFFSC received 3/5, SASCO received 1/5 while the not so shocking but impactful outcome led to an independent candidate emerging, Cde. Aphelele Matinise. Cde. Aphelele Matinise received 47% of the votes at Institutional level, this was an indictment of Political Organizations across the political spectrum. A sobering realization that students were losing confidence in Party politics. Be that as it may, the same students delivered an EFFSC dominated SRC, with the EFFSC attaining 15/25 seats combined. A truly revolutionary outcome, even though systematically fundamental change has not been experienced.

Services To the People!

The Student Populace of the University of Fort Hare comes from a political period of disappointment and dissatisfaction. This is largely due to the lack of activism from the previous two SRCs. It must be honestly admitted that student governance at the University of Fort Hare collapsed in October 2022, a year after a watershed ISP Sitting which ushered in the Decade of Renewal within the Student political space. This collapse led to an Interim SRC which can be characterized as an arrangement of convenience. The Interim SRC was deliberately structured to purge SASCO from strategic positions, while positioning the EFFSC as contender for the decisive majority vote which occurred according to the plan. While from the PASMA angle of the coin, there was division with the main interest being an accumulation of power, resources, and the bargaining power to determine the outcomes of the ISP Secretariat election and the SGC. In this political process and the machinations thereof, student services were delivered haphazardly. While the haphazard delivery of services was occurring, national issues and crises emerging from the rapid neo liberalization of the Higher Education sector was adding to the crises gripping our institution. The Interim SRC failed to rise to the occasion even with the limited support of the most vibrant Organization in the Institution, the EFFSC.

It was at this point that the EFFSC shifted away from limited support to outright enemy of the Interim SRC, particularly at an Institutional level. This shift was influenced by the degenerating state of student services and the delivery thereof. It was this reality that led to the EFFSC pushing for the convening of the ISP, election of SP secretariats, announcement of elections date, and ultimately the elections themselves. This was done with the singular aim of restoring service delivery, and combating the policy challenges that hamper service delivery. The EFFSC-led SRC has taken the approach of resolving immediate issues, analyzing the main issues and major problems upon assumption of office and duties, and ultimately preparing a turnaround strategy which will bleed into our 5-Year Plan of Revolutionary Change which is in the process of being developed. This 5-year plan is influenced by the success of the Chinese 5-year plans, Vietnamese 5-year plans, and the historical blueprint of the USSR. We have deliberately taken the approach of collecting data of students affected by a litany of issues. Some institutional in character, some case-by-case, and some based on the contradictions of the neoliberal educational system. The 5-Year Plan of Revolutionary Change will be the blueprint on Student Governance, and will guide the Party, and the Deployees for the next demi-decade as we redefine the decade of renewal. The 5-Year Plan of Revolutionary Change will also be dialectically defined by the turnaround strategy which will seek to reposition and re-posture the SRC as a revolutionary organ even though we understand the limitations of the SRC within this reformist system.

What is to be done?

The Party and its Deployees are faced with the task of setting a new precedent and ushering in a revolutionary transformation while facing the reality of doing this in a period of reaction. However, we must admit that the catalyst for the fightback against the reaction of USAF and the Department lies in our fight against the current system of Direct Payment, and ultimately Commodified Education. Thus, we must do the following:

1. Set up a Forum of SRCs seeking to overthrow DPS.

2. Create a Programme of Action which will guide this forum towards undoing this system.

3. Set up Student-led Service Delivery Monitoring Committees as popular organs of overseeing service delivery.

4. Convene a Congress of SRCs across the University and TVET sector to unify the resistance against the system imposed by the sellout union SAUS and DHET.

5. Convene a National Students' Summit with the aim of laying down the foundations for a new students' union.

6. Convene a Sizofunda Ngenkani Plenum, which will plan for the coming political period where all these struggles will manifest sharply. 

7. Convene an EFFSC UFH SRC Deployees Forum to concretely plan on how to direct the struggles of the masses of our people within the next 12 months.

Positioning CSPs to Drive Student Activism by Lindokuhle Mponco

The Campus Students' Parliament is a primary accountability and policy development unit. It is the basic and nuclear unit of expression of students' aspirations politically and otherwise. It is important that as revolutionaries we begin the attempt to seize the CSP and make it a true arena of the masses at a campus level. The University of Fort Hare EL-Campus has displayed that there are still revolutionary elements within the campus during the fight against the Direct Payment System which was aborted by the ISRC and its vacillating leadership. It is of significant importance that this Organ of power is positioned in a manner that will make it a driver of Student Activism not only within the East London Campus but across the Institution.

State of Activism in UFH-EL Campus

The state of activism in UFH-EL Campus can be best described as the kicks of a dying horse. This CSP session is a make-or-break due to how it can either kill activism and sell students to the highest bidder or genuinely revive student activism. In this space of activism, the flame has been kept alive by individuals who are mainly found in PASMA and in the main, EFFSC members. It is not a secret that the fight against the Direct Payment System was a non-partisan effort; however, we would be politically dishonest if we were to minimize the role played by EFFSC Cadres, particularly the author of this article. The State of Activism is being kept alive by individuals like Cde. Kamva Mtayisi (PASMA), Cde. Ludwe Mbeceni (COPESM), Cde. Sakhele 'Sakza' Sololo (AZASCO), Cde. Lundi Mkhosi (EFFSC), Cde. Onikwa Maqhubela (EFFSC), the author of this article (EFFSC), Cde. Londeka Ngcungama (ANCWL), Cde. Zizipho Mbasa (ANCWL), Anathi Mjoji (PASMA), and a plethora of other Comrades we cannot mention in this article due to limited space. This is one of the rare occasions in history whereby the subjective factor takes precedence over the objective factor. To paraphrase Leon Trotsky, individuals are pushing history and without them, some of these moves would not have become possible. 

It is through social media campaigns led by many young cadres who did not hesitate to adhere to the call of putting the SRC under pressure and DHET in the spotlight that we saw student activism resurrect. In the words of Marcus Garvey, conditions mobilized the people behind the banner of activism even though it was sabotaged by the reformist and reactionary ISRC. Based on this brief analysis we can tell that activism on this campus is on the rise due to fresh layers of students who have been ushered into the space through the school of struggle and poor social conditions. The Interim SRC has opened a vacuum that must be filled by either revolutionaries or reformists who are ultimately counter-revolutionary.

 Towards a Revolutionary Secretariat

It is on this basis that we must ensure that we elect a revolutionary CSP Secretariat. However, we know the law of politics, the law is that the most mediocre and the most politically backward will be escalated due to their gullibility. It is this layer of student politicians we have to wage a bitter struggle against all with the aim of restoring the dignity and the revolutionary character of the CSP. It is no secret that CSPs have been rendered useless and functionless due to the political machinations that have gripped our body politic. A revolutionary Secretariat will bring back that sense of revolutionary purpose and will ensure it stretches the limits of this reformist system. A revolutionary Secretariat is the only subjective tool that can be used to stretch the limits of the system given the state of reaction in our institution. It is only a revolutionary Secretariat that can deliver the constitutional aspirations and vision of what the CSP should be and how it should function. The SGC sees CSPs as a necessary complement to the ISP, thus, they must at all material times reflect such. As Bolshevik-Leninists, we must use the CSP as our tool of reinvigorating the body politic. The Bolsheviks in the Duma from 1912 - 1914 tactically used the Duma to awaken the consciousness of the Russian Proletariat against the Tsarist regime. It is a pity that World War 1 occurred. However, the seeds of revolution were sown, and the tree shot up to life in 1917.  A revolutionary Secretariat will play that function.

What is to be done? 

We need to ensure that going to CSP we unite Societies and Revolutionary Organizations under one bloc to ensure that the representation in the Secretariat is a true reflection of the revolutionary character of our campus. We have no room for compromise and no time to resurrect dead dogs who see this as their political comeback. We must also ensure that we protect Student Activism by ensuring that CSP doesn't become a haven for reactionaries and counterrevolutionaries who masquerade as revolutionaries. The only way to do that is to elect the revolutionaries who have been at the forefront of every struggle in our campus and in our institution. CSP Delegates owe it to students to elect Revolutionary Leaders, that is the best thing they can do for the revolution at this juncture.

Tell No Lies, Claim No Easy Victories: on NSFAS direct payments quagmire By MAB Shongwe

The first half of the 2023 academic year concluded with a fierce contest between student leadership, managers of institutions of higher learning, and the National Student Financial Aid Scheme (NSFAS). This fierce fight was caused by the decision of the scheme to take over key operations, in relation to disbursement of allowances to students and accreditation of residences. This meant that these two important tasks which were previously carried out by institutions of higher learning with the help of external service providers, particularly for the former task, of disbursing allowances, will now be taken over by NSFAS. NSFAS announced that the task of disbursing allowances will now be outsourced to five external financial service providers. Our observation in relation to the response by the student movement in the country, suggests that it was this decision that agitated student leaders and made them reject the so-called direct payments method introduced by NSFAS. Hashtags like “away with Norraco” and “away with Ezaga” have characterized the majority of the responses by the student movement to these developments. It is this reaction that made us resolve on penning this reflection, we are of the view that, firstly, there is a lack of a clear ideological analysis of the developments in higher education, rooted in class analysis, secondly, we are of the view that it is fake rage to direct the fight towards service providers, as they do not award themselves tenders, thirdly, it is hypocritical of student leaders to enter the battle of service providers, as if this there is any progressive service provider who is not pursuing profit maximization by any means necessary, even at the expense of poor working-class students. 

To organize our thoughts, such that the objectives of penning this reflection are  productively realized, we are going to first give a class analysis of the developments in NSFAS, we are going to secondly expose the fallacy of the “direct payment method” which is not direct and how NSFAS does not have the capacity to disburse allowances and accredit residences, thirdly we are going to write against student leaders who are misdirecting the fight and wittingly and/or unwittingly entering the battle of financial companies who are pursuing profit for profit’s sake. We are going to conclude the article with some thoughts on what is to be done immediately. 

 

NSFAS assault against The Poor and Working class. 

The truth of the matter is that NSFAS has contributed immensely to the struggle for access to higher education for the majority of poor working-class students, who are black in their majority. Through the scheme, many students who do not have money to pursue higher education are assisted with registration fees, tuition fees, book and living allowances, and accommodation fees. Be that as it may, the same NSFAS has been at the center of destroying many education and career aspirations of many poor students, who were once a point of hope not only for their families, but entire communities. 

Since the Fees Must Fall (FMF)-Rhodes Must Fall (RMF) moment, NSFAS has been on a very fierce assault against the poor and working-class, through the development and implementation of anti-poor policies, which are meant at minimizing access and excluding the poor in their numbers. Firstly, NSFAS introduced the so-called N+ policies, which essentially said the poor will only receive funding from the scheme for a limited number of years, and that if the poor experience challenges in their studies, they will lose their funding. A senseless, unscientific, anti-poor policy, which is blind and deaf to the socioeconomic challenges experienced by the poor and working class, which are a product of apartheid capitalism and post-apartheid neoliberalism. Secondly, NSFAS introduced accommodation funding caps, which limited the amount of money received by the poor for accommodation purposes. This meant that poor students had no choice but to settle for poor-quality accommodation, which lack basic necessities like running water, WIFI, laundry, labs, etc. This is whilst children of the rich stay in five-star accommodation on and off-campus. Thirdly, NSFAS introduced the 60 Credits rule, which said that students who are registered for modules less than 60 Credits for an academic year, will not receive living and accommodation allowances. This rule, like the rest of the exclusionary anti-poor policies, affected poor students the most, who experienced challenges throughout the course of their studies but persevered, and were now left with a few modules to conclude their qualifications.

NSFAS also amended their funding eligibility criteria, which among other things, previously required students to pass 50% + 1 of their yearly registered modules. NSFAS now wants students to obtain 60%, of course, this is after the student movement correctly rejected the initial 75% which was senselessly proposed by NSFAS (the 60% is still senseless). Again, it is the poor who cannot afford to buy all required textbooks, who cannot afford to buy laptops, and other required learning materials, who face challenges and will be disadvantaged by this senseless amendment. NSFAS, this year, introduced the so-called direct payments which are not direct, which in the process, defunded thousands and thousands of poor students, who had a funded status at the beginning of the academic year. It is this issue that we are going to speak about below. Otherwise, the trend is vividly clear, assault, assault, assault, assault, and more assault on the poor and working class!!! 

Direct payments which are not direct!

As indicated above, NSFAS announced late last year that they will be introducing the so-called NSFAS card, which will be part of the so-called direct payments, a program they implemented just before the first half of the academic year concluded. When this was communicated by NSFAS, they acted as if direct payments meant that students will now receive their allowances through their various bank accounts, something students have been crying for, which would mean easier access to their allowances. However, what NSFAS meant was those institutions of higher learning and the service providers they worked with in disbursing students’ allowances, will cease doing so, and NSFAS will take over the process, with the help of newly appointed service providers. Thus, students and the general public were misled, and since then, students have been subjected to higher charges and defunding. Companies like Ezaga, Tenet, Norraco, and others, were awarded the lucrative tender of disbursing allowances in this new system.

NSFAS's incapacity to disburse allowances and accredit residences. 

As Marxists-Leninists, we are not opposed to state institutions building internal capacity to be able to deliver services using internal resources, rather than outsourcing services and paying senseless monies to businesspeople, who pursue profit for profit’s sake, without contributing anything meaningful to society. However, centralization for corruption and business purpose is not the centralization we advocate for. The centralization of key services like residences accreditation and disbursement of allowances by NSFAS is proving to be not the centralization we advocate for, on two grounds; firstly, NSFAS is not the one disbursing allowances to students, they have appointed private financial companies to do this job, thus, this is not building internal capacity, but centralization for corruption and business purposes, secondly, NSFAS has proven time and again that they do not have the internal capacity to deliver quality and timely services to students. This is seen in the delay of the release of funding lists each academic year, delay in payments, delay in responding to appeals, and many other administrative shortcomings. Thus, NSFAS cannot be trusted with the process of accrediting residences, the centralization of appeals is a practical example in relation to NSFAS administrative incapacity. Working-class students spend the entire academic year sleeping in libraries, lecture halls, and cafeterias, attending class and showing up to tests and exams on empty stomachs, study without textbooks and laptops, only because NSFAS did not respond to their appeals. 

Student leaders and the fight between service providers. 

We are not going to waste time in this section, we are going to be brief, frank, and straightforward. Student leaders who are directing the fight against this or that service providers are being dishonest, wittingly, or unwittingly. Firstly, because these service providers did not award themselves these tenders, they were appointed by NSFAS to disburse allowances, any genuine war against these service providers, must be directed to not only NSFAS, but the Department of Higher Education and Training, under the pseudo-communist, Emanuel Nzimande. Secondly, there is no student leader who can convincingly argue that there is a capitalist that is good and a capitalist that is bad. The reality is that all these service providers, including the ones who were disbursing allowances before, are only in it for profit maximization for profit’s sake. Hence, all of them, charge students' senseless charges whenever they make transactions. Even if these so-called direct payments were direct, i.e., students were receiving their allowances directly to their bank accounts (your Nedbank, Capitec, etc.) student leaders cannot rejoice over that, it is not victory. 

These established banks, which charge our people high rates and deny them funding for housing purposes, starting businesses, etc. would still charge students high rates and make money out of them. We should take guidance from the President of the EFFSC, Commissar Lonzi, that the only solution is the establishment of a state bank. 

What is to be done immediately? 

1. Ensure that students receive their allowances immediately, we cannot fight Emanuel with hungry students.

2. Ensure that institutions of higher learning do not remove students from their residences and force them into deregistration. 

3. Progressive SRCs of the EFFSC in the country must utilize their budgets to provide aid (food and toiletries) to all affected students, particularly females. 

4. The EFFSC must use all available legal platforms, like parliament and the courts to fight NSFAS and Emanuel. 

5. The EFFSC must organize itself at the branch level, regional level, provincial level, and national level, have robust discussions about the status quo, and draft clear demands. 

6. Take to the streets and advocate for the identified demands.

Ishumi Leminyaka – Consolidating the ground towards socialist power by Chumani Matiwane

Ishumi Leminyaka – Consolidating the ground towards socialist power

Progress in human development has always been achieved through a struggle against nature or against the tyranny of man. It falls upon each generation to develop the struggle in order to respond to the prevailing material conditions which are a major determinant of the motive forces. 

In the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) Founding Manifesto one of the stated goals of this generation is to raise the political consciousness of the masses in order to get to a critical mass which will play a decisive role in crushing neo-colonialism which currently underpins our economic, social and cultural structure. The challenge faced by the EFF is that the dawn of democracy in South Africa brought about a false consciousness of an illusion of freedom whereas we had only achieved limited political freedom. The result of this has been the high levels of apathy in society which has disengaged itself from active participation in the political life of the country. In the last General Election held in 2019, it is reported that a majority of registered voters chose not to vote as a result of this disengagement. 

It is therefore not enough for the Constitution to guarantee universal suffrage and regular multi-party elections if the majority of citizens choose not to exercise this right because of the failure of the former liberation movement to deliver on its promise of delivering “A better life for all.” To paraphrase Karl Marx, he states that the rights enshrined in the Constitution are in part political rights, which can only be exercised in community with others. He further goes on to say that their content is participation in the community, and specifically in the political community, in the life of the state and that they are linked to political freedom. Therefore, the strategic goal of the EFF which is to raise the political consciousness of the people in order for them to participate in the political community by engaging in political action through community, labour and student struggles is consistent with the awakening of the motive forces.

Since the dawn of democracy, there has never been a political movement which has consistently managed to capture the imagination of the poor and marginalised like the EFF has done over the past 10 years since its formation in 2013. This has been made possible by the correct application of strategy and tactics employed in building an organisational base through grassroots mobilisation. The EFF which prides itself as a vanguard movement has consistently been at the forefront of working class and community struggles in pursuit of its strategic mission as articulated in the Seven Non-negotiable Cardinal Pillars. Since its inception it has declared a theme for each calendar year which becomes the base from which rolling campaigns are built up through the guidance of the National Leadership. The branches which are the basic nucleus of activity have managed to cover house to house through these initiatives. For instance, the year 2022 was defined by the 1 million membership campaign which coincided with the year of the branch. This campaign allowed the organisation to interact with the people at a grassroots level in order to understand the prevailing mood in country. Therefore, the existence of the EFF has been a blessing for the poor and marginalised as it has managed to walk hand in hand with our People in the pursuit of economic freedom. Ishumi leminyaka  is a culmination of the consistency in developing a praxis by Groundforces under the command of the CCT. 

Our consistency in action further exposed the notion that bourgeoisie regimes no matter their skin colour are in their nature violent and repressive as our activists across the country have been victimised for choosing the side of the poor. Such tactics by the State  are reminiscent of the brutal Colonial-Apartheid era. This further strengthens the call for our members to develop security consciousness in order to not expose themselves to the tyranny of Cyril Ramaphosa’s regime. The mantra should be that militancy is discipline and that organisational plans are treated in a discreet manner that will not allow for counter-revolutionary forces to sabotage nor hijack the struggle for economic freedom. 

The unwavering commitment of the Fighters to the 7- Non-negotiable Cardinal Pillars has engraved our movement in the hearts and minds of our People. They now understand that truly power concedes nothing without a bold demand as demonstrated by our uncompromising stance even at the face of the threat of arrest, injury or death for our Leaders and Groundforces. The EFF has demonstrated that it is the leader of society and is readying itself to take over state power in order to usher in a Socialist Azania. #EFFTurns10

Open Letter To Blade by #DownWithDirectPayment #BladeMustGo

 Revolutionary Greetings

We scribe to  your office with the clarity of thought and mind when it comes to the direct payment system. Before we dwell on this matter, we would like to unequivocally reject this system and reject the companies that come with it.

Why do we reject this?

We reject this system because it is patently corrupt and seeks to benefit the four unknown companies, namely, Norraco, eZaga (Access Bank Nigeria), Coinvest Africa and Tenet Technology. Another reason why we reject this system is due to the reality that NSFAS has not developed the capacity to directly pay students. In a nutshell, this so-called direct payment is not direct payment but indirect payment not fundamentally different to the previous decentralized system. Another  fundamental reason why we reject this system is due to the fact that consultation was not done. In fact, NSFAS and you Minister Nzimande imposed this system when it was clear that SAUS was operating outside of the mandate of SRCs. Another reason why we reject this is due to the exploitative nature of the charges that these bogus companies impose on Students. The other reason lies with the fact that this system is unreliable and has opened up students to scams. Lastly, this is an abuse of taxpayers money and it must be treated as such.

Minister Nzimande, you preside over a department that has over sixty per cent of the student populace dependent on NSFAS. This means when the unregistered and unrecognized companies (FSCA has no record of their existence) fail to do their job as they are currently doing in TVET Colleges we will have a crisis of magnificent proportions, as we are witnessing it now. This means that out of the +/- two million students in the sector, approximately one million and two hundred thousand students will be affected. When we further break it down +/- six hundred thousand students - seven hundred thousand students will be affected. This means that over thirty percent of the students will be directly impacted. As things stand, in most universities approximately sixty to seventy percent of the students have not received their allowances for July. This is a self-manufactured crisis that you have presided over due to your Neoliberal model in the department.
Furthermore, we would like to highlight the fact that the attitude displayed by these companies towards students is consistent with the arrogance displayed by NSFAS and your Department, with your Office being a particular case. We would like to put this on record that the rot starts from the head, and your inability to listen to reason has led us to this blind alley. It is very unbecoming for someone who calls himself a Communist to subject hundreds of thousands if not over a million students to an exploitative system which is more exploitative than the banks. At one point in your careerist political journey, you were at the forefront of campaigns against the Financial Sector when you still served as the GS of the now moribund South African Communist Party (SACP). You have reversed the gains of the Freedom Charter, and have undermined the constitutional fundamentals of our robust democracy by making it clear that South Africa does not belong to all who live in it, but to the rich and your upstart capitalist friends who are now exploiting students through companies that cannot be tracked by the FSCA.

We have heard it through the grapevine that this coming Sunday (9th of July, 2023) you will be in a meeting with the sellout union called South African Union of Students (SAUS). You will be presenting your MTT report while students are dying of hunger and do not have the means to go back to campus because the companies you imposed through NSFAS and directly yourself have not disbursed allowances. Instead, they are stealing these allowances wholesale (Norraco and Tenet to be more specific and direct). In that meeting we would like you to reconsider your decision and immediately reverse these bogus companies or else the country will burn because of your arrogance and hate towards the children of the working class, peasantry and the poor (both urban and rural).

Our Demands

No struggle lacks demands, thus, we will table our demands and they are as follows:

1. Immediate scrapping of direct payment.

2. Decentralization of NSFAS with NSFAS reverting back to the system of having a deployees in an institution.

3. FREE EDUCATION NOW as this is a matter that would not exist if our education system was decommodified.

4. The upstart capitalist companies must return the monies they received from the state through the tender system. This means their contracts must be canceled with immediate effect.

5. Your resignation letter with immediate effect, because you have failed to lead this department. Ever since you returned students are being defunded and all kinds of corrupt shenanigans like the two hundred and sixteen thousand ghost students which were discovered by an independent report are normalized.

6. Disbandment and termination of the tenure of SAUS and a Congress of SAUS must sit within sixty days to elect a new structure.

These are our demands and we will fight for them.


Conclusion

In the words of the Revolutionary icon of the Liberation Struggle, Mama Winnie Nomzamo Madikizela-Mandela, "Singayisusa nanini sithanda"

We hope you will find the above in order


Revolutionary Regards

#DownWithDirectPayment
#BladeMustGo

SAUS Has Blood On Its Hands! by Lindokuhle Mponco

The direct payment policy has been a thorny issue in the sector of Higher Education due to many factors. The main factor has been the process of outsourcing this system and appointing unknown service providers who are not even recognized by the Financial Services Conduct Authority (FSCA). Through countless inquiries on the origins of the companies and how they got the contract, it finally dawned on us that NSFAS would never approve such a scandalous method without cooperation from SAUS. The South African Union of Students (SAUS) is a key cog in the machinery that continues to exploit the children of the Working Class and the Peasantry.

At the beginning of the year, NSFAS published the NSFAS Financial and Academic Eligibility Criteria for 2023. In the over 50-page document, NSFAS imposed the Direct Payment method and the Straight-to-Landlord policy. The SRCs from across the country rightfully rejected this due to NSFAS imposing a policy without maximum consultation. It was in one of these meetings that SRC members from across the country found out that SAUS had approved on behalf of the SRCs it represents without consultation! This was the first warning flag which indicates that this process was a patently corrupt process. This triggered a response from the SRCs which rejected this agreement. SAUS was forced to convene an extended NEC meeting to posture themselves as consultors of the masses of our people. In that very same meeting, SAUS was roundly rejected for taking decisions without consulting the SRCs. That was the last time we heard of SAUS, and we never heard or saw a statement against them. It became clear to everyone that SAUS had sold students out! Rumors abound that the President of SAUS (Yandisa Ndzoyiya) allegedly received over R2 million to approve these bogus fintech companies. In the words of Pravin Gordhan, students started connecting the dots and realized that SAUS is not an ally but an enemy.

 After this realization, the majority of the SRCs (excluding the University of Fort Hare Institutional SRC and the University of Witwatersrand SRC) embarked on an occupation of the offices of NSFAS to raise their dissatisfaction. NSFAS responded by activating the might of the State (Police) and private Security who are nothing but mercenaries of the bourgeoisie. It is from that point that SRCs began giving in while some began accepting bribes to keep quiet. Some rejected it rhetorically (UFH Institutional SRC is a clear example) but practically told students to onboard. It is true that an unled revolution always collapses due to the lack of organized leadership. Organized leadership acts as a vanguard that constantly advances the struggle of a class or strata in society. The struggle for free, quality, decolonized, and well-resourced education is a class struggle that requires class consciousness. Direct Payment entrenches the commodification of education and further exposes the system to capitalist penetration. SAUS has chosen to run with the wolves and now they are howling with the pack as Leon Trotsky would put it. 

The lack of their leadership in this struggle exposed the weaknesses of the SRCs and the weakness of the subjective factor. In his classic work, The Transitional Program, Leon Trotsky made it clear that the problem we have in this era of proletarian struggle is a problem of leadership. He further exposes the fact that the objective conditions for a socialist revolution are there, but the subjective conditions are not there. This means that in the 1930s, Leon Trotsky realized that the Socialist movement has an issue of leadership. The opportunistic and reformist character of our leadership has been laid bare through this direct payment policy. Some of them are members of the SACP and its associate structures yet they have indulged in one of the most patently exploitative methods of disbursing allowances. They approved companies that are headquartered in New Zealand claiming that they are overthrowing 'White Monopoly Capital'. In the previous article, I clearly exposed how this in dialectical laws is not a negation but rather a multiplication of a degenerate tendency. They substituted the capitalists who were operating in the decentralized system and replaced them with unknown start-ups that have no track record in the space. To emphasize, these entities are not even registered with the FSCA. One can conclude with confidence and disgust (which is a paradox) that SAUS has the blood of students on their hands. Students are dropping out due to not having funds, and students are committing suicide and subjecting themselves to prostitution and drug abuse because of a SAUS which chose to take pictures with the blunt Blade Nzimande. NSFAS has just recently defunded thousands of students across the country, yet the SAUS spokesperson and Deputy Secretary General of the lumpen, reformist, and class collaborationist SASCO (Asive Dlanjwa) is busy posturing on social media as if nothing is happening.

Students must reject SAUS with the contempt they deserve because they have chosen to abandon students. In the words of Leon Trotsky, "You are pitiful isolated individuals; you are bankrupts; your role is played out. Go where you belong from now on - into the dustbin of history." Student Organizations that still have a revolutionary bone in their body must consign SAUS to the dustbin of history where they belong. SRCs must either call for a SAUS Congress (which should have been convened in June because their term has expired) and elect revolutionary leadership which will turn the reformist union into a fighting organ of the masses, or form a new revolutionary union that will not be tainted by the vile and corrupt character of SAUS. We must not be afraid to break new ground and pioneer new things in the name of working smart. Revolutionaries from across the Left spectrum must move beyond agitating for an inclusive union that represents all SRCs from across the sector (including TVET colleges) but must be laying the groundwork for the formation of such. In the formulation of Marcus Garvey, material conditions are forcing us to be organized and as revolutionary Marxists of the Bolshevik tradition we must not lag behind the movement of the masses, yet we must not move too ahead of the masses. We must move with them but be clear to all that we are the vanguard of this struggle. 

The EFFSC must begin reaching out to like-minded organizations and SASCO branches that will be progressive in this struggle even though we know they will be forced to sell out either through the intervention of 'Abakhuluwa' or through the sheer selloutism that is pervasive in their structures. A United Front must be formed to combat this accelerated commodification and neo-liberalization of our sector at the hands of the pseudo-Communist pair of Buti Manamela and the blunt Blade Nzimande. We must create a new organ that will be the base of the movement and it must be controlled by students, for students, and only students. This Organ must also be tasked with linking our struggle to the Workers' struggle in urban areas and in the rural areas it must link the struggle to the struggle of Workers and Peasants. The de-commodification of our education will never be achieved through studentism, it can only be achieved through a class struggle between the bourgeoisie and the petty bourgeoisies on the one side, and the working class and the peasantry on the other side. A new worker-student alliance must be formed with urgency, while we raise the clarion call of #FreeEducationNow!

Down with Direct Payment, Forward to Free Education! by Lindokuhle Mponco

 At the beginning of 2023, we were ambushed with a decision that was adopted in the dingy corners of the sector of Higher Education by SAUS (South African Union of Students) and NSFAS. This decision was sanctified and blessed by the Godfather of the sector, Dr. Bonginkosi Emmanuel 'Blade' Nzimande. The decision is an opportunistic decision given the fact that the mechanism of direct payment is more expensive than the previous mechanism. The reason why this decision can be categorized as opportunistic is due to the timing and the implementation of the decision. 

In student spaces, the question of direct payment has been one which has gripped the space after the #FeesMustFall was neutralized by the 'free education' announcement of the former President, Monsieur Jacob Zuma. This announcement created an opening for the neoliberal wing of government to implement policies that would increasingly centralize the disbursement process. This was also accompanied by reports of a general collapse in the management of the system which has led us to this point we find ourselves in. The year 2023 has brought to our attention these lingering issues caused by the opportunistic announcement by Jacob Zuma. The announcement without modalities is a typical example of how the neoliberal regime of the ANC normally announces progressive solutions to the contradictions of society without a plan only to reverse such a plan due to 'impracticality'. As students of Marxism-Leninism, we have learned to go beyond what the naked eye can see, and we apply the tools of analysis (Dialectical & Historical Materialism) which help us see things for what they are. These announcements are just mere announcements that are meant to appease the masses while the neoliberals prepare for a vicious counterattack against the Working Class and the Peasantry. 

The current crop of students has no memory of the Heher Commission; thus, it is the duty of us revolutionary Marxists to remind the masses of our people. The Heher Commission was appointed by the former President, Mr. Jacob Zuma. This commission was tasked with investigating the practicality of tuition fee-free education. The commission resolved that it was impractical; thus, banks must step in and fund students directly through loans that will be paid back when a student is employed and earns a certain amount of money. The threshold was to be decided by the Department of Higher Education; however, a militant SAUS rejected that recommendation. SAUS led a shutdown which was supported by many SRCs and Student Political Organizations, which ultimately led to the opportunistic announcement by Mr. Jacob Zuma. The opportunistic announcement laid the groundwork for the Neoliberal fightback which has manifested itself in the form of direct payment. The principle of direct payment is not wrong; however, it has been used as a gap by the upstart capitalists who are endorsed by the moribund ANC. As Lenin once said, "Capitalists are no more capable of self-sacrifice than a man is capable of lifting himself up by his own bootstraps." In a nutshell, the capitalist retreat was not a genuine retreat but one which was tactically made to open the gap for further capitalist penetration.

Norraco and eZaga are the hallmarks of this selfish and greedy arrangement. Norraco is not even older than two years while eZaga is only six months old. This goes to show that the companies which have been awarded these lucrative tenders are not even capacitated enough to run this process. This goes to show the moribund nature of capitalism in South Africa. It has gotten to the level of crony capitalists accumulating wealth by ripping students off. The second characteristic of these companies is that they charge hefty fees. This stands in contrast to the Banks Act of 1990. They have entered the realm of loan sharks without exiting the realm of established banks. This was justified by some SAUS leaders as an overthrow of White Monopoly Capital. The ABCs of Marxism tell us that you cannot replace one fraction of capital with another in the name of overthrowing capital. In fact, that does not even qualify as a negation but qualifies as a multiplication. Lenin warned us in his classic work, Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism that in its moribund state, capital doesn't exist in perfect and free competition. It becomes a monopolistic system that divides markets into different pieces owned by different companies. What has happened with the direct payment outsourcing process has followed that logic. Four companies will be responsible for disbursing allowances directly to students. They will get fees from students' allowances while getting money from the State for the contract of doing this job. This is a clear example of how capitalism works, and how fintech and financial services companies operate in this era of Monopoly Capital known as the imperialist stage of development.

Our SRCs tried to fight back; however, the lack of revolutionary backbone saw some cave in while others were bought off. The dominance of the EFFSC in the sector was found wanting due to a lack of central, provincial, and branch coordination. Branches should have stubbornly mandated their deployees to reject to the point of mass demonstration, Provinces should have ensured that the party line is maintained, while the Central structure should have coordinated a national response to what is a blatant neoliberal attack on the student populace across the country. It is the duty of the readers of The Spark to go out and canvass for a national shutdown. It is the duty of the readers of The Spark to go out to the student leadership of their various branches and call for them to uphold the revolutionary principles that the EFFSC upholds. We also need to take a grassroots approach and use branches as a medium and basic organizing tool for the masses. The EFFSC branches must consciously seek out alliances with revolutionary tendencies within the student populace with the intention of forming a United Front against NSFAS. The slogan of #BringBackIntelli & #BringBackeFundi is outdated and must be thrown in the dustbin of history. The new slogan must be #FreeEducationNow. To prioritize the fight for free education is to prioritize the fight for socialism. A Marxist worth his/her own salt will know that free education cannot be practically attained within the confines of the bourgeois capitalist system, especially when it follows a neoliberal path.

Our fight against Direct Payment is a fight against Neoliberalism and must be understood within that context. The fight against NSFAS must not be mistaken as a fight against fee-free education but must be understood as a fight against commodified education. NSFAS represents the commodified nature of our education as it seeks to remind us that those without money cannot study or access the spaces of Higher Learning. It is on this premise that we raise the clarion call for #FreeEducationNow because we know that where there is free education there is no NSFAS and there is definitely no Direct Payment but a well-resourced education system that is freed from the capitalist trappings of commodification and commercialization. We know that where there is free education capitalism doesn't exist and if it does, it is subject to the dictates of the State which is run directly by the Workers and the Peasants.

March 20 Shutdown: Results and Prospects by Sandiso Mbulawa & Lindokuhle Mponco

The March 20th National Shutdown was a historical move in the epoch of post-apartheid South Africa. The National Shutdown demonstrated one thing and one thing only, the power of the EFFSC in the inner workings and organizational lifeblood of the EFF. This demonstration of the EFFSC being a fighting organ not only in the hands of students from working class and peasantry backgrounds, but also the working class and the peasantry in itself is a demonstration of the power of students in the class struggle in South Africa. Our history is filled with such realities; however, the exercise of this article is to assess the overall performance of the Organization and many other organizations that joined the shutdown.

Results

The EFF National Shutdown of March 20th was a shutdown like no other. For the first time in a long time, we saw the might of the South African Police Service (SAPS) on full display. The State reacted to a threat from a grouping of Socialist Organizations (EFF, Land Party, PAC & SAFTU) in a fashion that any bourgeois state would react in. Even when Centrist organizations like UDM, ATM, and ARETA joined, the State refused to tone down the rhetoric of war and violence due to the threat of the regime being overthrown. This panic was caused by the reality of an organized shutdown being a potential spark for an insurrection that could sweep the current regime away with a drop of a hat. The State flexed its bourgeois muscles in defense of bourgeois property and bourgeois law & order. The rhetoric of defending the economy fell flat as many on social media came to the realization that the economy is not even in their hands, and it has tanked. The panic was evident when the DA went on a court interdict spree which also failed to produce the result that they wanted, which was an interdict against the shutdown. 

The result of this panic from both the State, and the bourgeois official opposition party led to an awakening of some sorts from certain sections and layers of the working class. This awakening made them realize that capital was pushing a holy matrimony of the ANC led regime and the DA. This is due to these two parties being the primary agents of capitalism in South Africa. Action SA joined the bandwagon with various other capitalist influencers and commentators. The mainstream media was also in on the attack against shutdown due to most media houses being owned by the ruling capitalist class. The NASPERS owned media outlets were at the forefront of a campaign to render the shutdown useless; however, the working class surprised them. It is predicted by various bourgeois media and research outlets that over 70% of the workforce did not pitch up for work on Monday. This is the largest stay-away post-Apartheid and rendered the economy inactive. Even those that pitched up for work were not productive, and this means that over 80% of the economy was inactive.  Objectively speaking, this is one of the biggest stay-away in South African history and has shown the bosses that workers do not trust the assurances from this bourgeois government led by the ANC. 

Business owners were sending letters left, right and center encouraging workers not to risk their lives. The contradiction of protecting their stock and future profits saw business owners prioritize the workers' lives and their concerns. The mobilization work from the EFF and SAFTU led to one of the biggest police mobilizations, and deployment of SANDF forces post-lockdown. This is evidence that the State saw their life flash right before their eyes when they saw the pre-Shutdown mobilization from the EFF and SAFTU. One thing that was evident throughout the shutdown was that most of the protestors were EFF members. In some parts of the country, the core of the protestors was EFFSC members. This shows the advanced character of the EFFSC and the role it plays in the life of the EFF. The EFFSC proved to be a key component in the machinery of the EFF. This was proof that the EFFSC is one of the motive forces of the protest movement called the EFF. Due to the relatively small nature of the other organizations (besides SAFTU) and their lack of mobilization, we saw the EFF take the bulk of the spotlight. This was because the call came from the EFF and carried through by the EFF till the end. 

The threat of this shutdown even forced the State to suspend loadshedding to appease the masses. Suspending loadshedding didn't assist as the masses continued to soldier on. Small towns like Alice, Lusikisiki, and Qonce felt the might of the EFF in a way they have never felt it before. These small towns were shut down and some felt the impact of the decisive vanguard movement of the working class and the poor post-Apartheid. This shutdown has not only opened the eyes of the masses to the hypocrisy of the ANC government and the bourgeois regime but also positioned the EFF as a fighting organ in the hands of the People.

Prospects

The prospects created by this shutdown are clear for all to see; we are heading towards rolling mass action. This rolling mass action needs to be guided by a Party that can unite all the oppressed layers of society and advance a program that can be the basis of a new society. The EFF's basic program (7 Cardinal Pillars) contains the essence of this new society that we seek to build; however, the basic program is only a plank or rather a bridge to Socialism. The 7 Cardinal Pillars lay the foundation for a Socialist government and order, thus rendering it a Socialist Oriented program rather than a fully-fledged Socialist basic program. The 7 Cardinal Pillars are essentially a radical and revolutionary summary of the Freedom Charter. The prospects of rolling mass action have been laid out by this shutdown. As a result, SANTACO blocked the N2 from Mt. Ayliff to Butterworth in the Eastern Cape. Their shutdown is based on the conditions of the road, high petrol prices and high interest rates. Slowly but surely the economic protests are intersecting with the political protests. The situation is slowly turning, and the masses are rapidly being radicalized with every passing day. 

The prospects of an EFFSC led shutdown based on the demand of Free, quality, well-resourced, and decolonized education are high. As a result, the EFFSC has announced that on the 28th of March there will be a program of occupying the headquarters of Department of Higher Education & Training. These are the opening shots of revolution, and any revolutionary must take heed. However, for these prospects to materialize the movement must take stock of the failures and weaknesses of the movement. The next step must be to ensure that every branch is politically and legally ready for the shutdown. The step that follows is a clear plan of mobilizing the working class and the peasantry towards this aim of shutting down the country for Free, quality, well-resourced, and decolonized education in our lifetime. After the success of the Bolshevik Revolution Lenin said the following words, "The important thing is that the ice is broken; the road is open, the way has been shown." Now that the ice has been broken, the road has been opened and the way has been shown; it is time for us to move towards the seizure of power by the masses through a popular seizure of power and liquidation of the ruling classes!

On Reformism, Populism, and Revolutionary Politics in Student Governance by Lindokuhle Mponco

Reformism, Populism, and Revolutionary are the most commonly used terms in the political space in Higher Education institutions. This is being sparked by the increasing tide of reactionary and neoliberal politics in the country, and in particular the sector of Higher Education. These concepts grip our political imagination and reality not only because we are learning about them in lecture halls but because every single day in these institutions is a confrontation of either one of these three tendencies, all varying in their degrees. As a result, these tendencies end up gripping the organs of student power in institutions of higher learning and this also varies depending on the political tide objectively, and the reality on the ground in as far as leadership is concerned (which is a subjective matter). Objectively, we face a very violent system, but the question is do we have a subjective factor that is strong enough to withstand this objective reality? In this article we will answer that question by interrogating these tendencies in our student governance space here in the University of Fort Hare.

On Reformism

The author of this article has written extensively on reformism but has never ventured into the details and the scientific definition of reformism. Reformism is a tendency that seeks to fix the system from within while not fundamentally changing anything. Reformism is the desire to fix things gradually and often in slow strides. Reformism is therefore a tendency that does not seek immediate change but change over a long period of time. It is the essence of the bourgeois system called capitalism. While capitalism rapidly concentrates the wealth and power of the bourgeois class in its hands, it resolves the problems of the peasantry and the working class. slowly. It takes protests, marches, strikes and various other forms of demonstrations to get the system to move. Reformism in the University of Fort Hare is part and parcel of the body politic and is the guiding principle of governance. The system promotes gradual changes that do not fundamentally shift the system but change it over a long period of time. The reality is that the SRC and ISP do not have a lifetime to sort out the issues of students, they have only one year.

As such, reformism makes most of the work the SRC and the ISP does a fool's errand. This in a nutshell means we move 5 steps forward only to move 10 steps backwards. Every regime becomes gradually worse than the other the more time progresses because the system itself is rotting to its death. The current regime is no better than the last one, and so on and so forth. However, the problem is that we have student activists who have no understanding or consciousness that they operate in a reformist system due to the lack of political education and idealist politics that are detached from the materialist conception of society. Reformism does not need to rear its ugly head because it already exists and is the mainstream tendency. Our duty as revolutionaries is to point out the reformist character much like Rosa Luxemburg pointed it out to Bernstein who was in the process of revising Marxism to suit the capitalist system and fit in the confines of bourgeoisdom. Our task is to reject those that seek to convert the revolutionary will of the student populace to fit into the reformist system by highlighting that our fight is not institutional in character, but sectoral in nature and character. Despite the reforms, we must go beyond reform and take the path of revolution. 

The EFFSC espouses such politics and as revolutionaries that do not only belong to the EFFSC we must practically apply this rejection by patiently explaining the conditions of our people through sound ideology and tools of analysis. An example is the crisis of students who lost spaces, yet they accepted offers. The reformist remedy was to increase the quota; however, the system countered by stating that the more they increase the quota, the more they get fined. The reality of reformism is that you have to understand that the system is limited while revolutionary politics tell us that the practical method is to ensure that students are given space, while the institution revises its quota targets and begin the process of infrastructure development (ADD MORE LECTURE VENUES AND RESIDENCES). The second method is for the SRC to mobilize students to demonstrate against DHET and call for the increase of institutional funding and spread this demonstration nationwide. SAUS has not proven to be useful but lobbying them and contesting the space from within is the only viable option.

On Populism

The author recently published an article titled, On Combating Populism to address the rise of populist politics. We have noted that these politics rise up when there is a vacuum and nature does not allow a vacuum. Vacuums often exist in situations where there is an Interim leadership. In 1917 a political vacuum arose when the Tsar was overthrown. However, the establishment of Soviets closed that vacuum and created the reality of dual power. The author has written on creating dual power in the inaugural article of this revolutionary blog and how it can be put into effect. The issue has been the idea gaining mass consciousness. As the author, I firmly believe that the time is near for this idea to reach mass consciousness; however, before it reaches mass consciousness, we have to invest our energies in first understanding what is populism and how it affects student governance. Populism is the ability to appeal to the layman by raising issues in a way that they can relate to. This in the first instance is not a problem, but it becomes a problem because when we further venture into what populism is we realize that populism is the instrument of using the interests of people to not only appeal to them but to accumulate power by promising a pie in the sky without a practical understanding of how to implement such.

An example of a populist decision is when the former President Jacob Zuma announced free education without modalities. NSFAS went on to take advantage of this populist pronouncement by capping it and limiting it to a certain category neglecting the layer of the missing middle and other students that are affected by the exorbitant price of education. This is an example of populism and how it affects governance. A revolutionary has to ensure that students do not fall into the trap of populism due to how students are used by populists for cheap political points. The character of populists is that of the pied piper. The story of the Pied Piper is a story of a musician who led children into a den of death. Populists have been leading students in this institution to the den of death. Populists sell students dreams and once they ascend into power, they tell them that it is impossible. As revolutionary Marxists, we must be at the forefront of ensuring that populists do not have ground by patiently explaining that the current Accommodation crisis is a result of an increase in the number of students who are in the system. We must also explain that the capitalist crisis in South Africa has created a scenario whereby institutions are chronically underfunded by DHET due to austerity. This does not mean that we do not have subjective factors at play. We must also zoom into the tendencies of corruption in the Supply Chain department and Residence Department so that we can resolve the crisis. The minute we elevate the fight to that level, we are able to distill the populists who are sectarian and limited politically.

Populism must be combatted because it operates on deception, lies, and many other distortions to win over the hearts and minds of the students. As revolutionary Marxists, we must straighten the path by exposing the objective and subjective truths of the system. Some of these populists that are making noise in our institution were at the forefront of these reactionary policies that revolutionaries from across the political left spectrum have to reverse in this tenure. 

On Revolutionary Politics

Revolutionary politics are politics that are steeped in the fundamental change of the system, institution or society. Revolutionary politics do not only limit themselves to the confines of the system like Reformist politics. Revolutionary politics are outside of the box politics that seek to destabilize the current system, which is rotten, parasitic and moribund. The reality is that the system is dying a slow and painful death, but it requires hosts to continue surviving. Anyone, whether one is a dialectical thinker or not can deduce and conclude that the capitalist system is parasitic. However, not everyone can come up with the solutions to uproot the parasitic system. Revolutionary politics help us with that task of understanding what is the problem and how do we solve it. Revolutionary politics are not anarchic in nature but are rather dialectically opposed to the status quo which consistently oppress the masses of our people. #FeesMustFall is an example of revolutionary politics at play due to the content, method, and aims it sought to achieve. The revolutionary character of the politics that guided #FeesMustFall led to the State mischaracterizing it into a color revolution when the demands of the movement were opposed to what color revolutions normally stand for. 

Revolutionary politics as espoused by every generation of Socialists starting from Marx down to Chris Hani are seized with changing the order of the day from one point to another. It is Marx who comes to the conclusion that revolution is a scientific phenomenon of development. Engels elaborates on that reality in his classic work Dialectics of Nature. Lenin reminds us about this in his classic work The State and Revolution, while Leon Trotsky does this in his fundamental Marxist theory, the Theory of Permanent Revolution. The science of Revolutionary politics teaches us that we have to tell no lies, mask no failures, and hide nothing from the masses. The science of Revolutionary politics teaches us to ground our path to revolution on the material conditions rather than on the ideal conditions. The reality is that the material conditions are not the ideal conditions. We must then use the material conditions to attain the ideal conditions. Revolutionary politics teaches us to understand that not every tide is revolutionary and not every situation is a revolutionary situation. Revolutionary situations become possible because of the objective conditions, and the consciousness levels of the oppressed masses of our people. 

Once the consciousness levels have swung to a radical position, it becomes an easier task to mobilize for a revolution; however, the leadership of the strata or class or constituency must be ready ideologically and otherwise. In the institution of the University of Fort Hare we are in a reactionary period which is occurring in the midst of an objectively revolutionary situation. A sober minded revolutionary knows that in order for the subjective factor to align with the objective factor there needs to be a revolutionary leadership at the forefront, not a populist or a reformist or even a sectarian leadership. The current voices making noises on Facebook are either sectarian, reformist or populist. We will not judge them by their fruits yet, but we will be forced to judge them should they persist grandstanding and articulating issues like people who have no grasp of the processes and methods of operating in a reformist. A revolutionary, whether Marxist or not, knows that for one to shake a reformist system dual power has to exist. Some of us have been at the forefront of calling for dual power because we know that dual power will give us the upper hand as students waging war against a capitalist management. While most of the noisemakers were relying on the very same system to clamp down on revolutionaries and mass meetings when they were in governance.

What is to be done?

Lenin once said that when the oppressed classes cannot live the old way, the ruling class will not be able to rule in the old way. We are in that scenario not only as the University of Fort Hare but as the sector and the country as a whole. What needs to be done in the interim is an intervention of a Revolutionary Students' Alliance of all Revolutionary Organizations within the institution, and then generally within the sector. The immediate task of this Revolutionary Students' Alliance in our institution is to ensure the following happens:

1. A mass meeting is convened in all campuses.

2. Establish a Popular Revolutionary Students' Forum which will be a counterbalance to the SRC.

3. Push the SRC SG/Coordinator to convene the ISP so that a Secretariat can be elected.

4. Form Revolutionary Students' Committees in every residence as a base for revolutionary activity.

5. Launch a Revolutionary Journal which will be tasked with agitation, persuasion, and mobilizing students behind the idea of Free, quality, well resourced, and decolonized education.

6. Convene a Revolutionary Students' Summit which will consist of delegates from every Revolutionary Organization so that we have a reality of a National Popular Revolutionary Students' Forum.

7. Establish a Fighting Fund which will financially assist students who will be victimized by the system through expulsions, suspensions, and imprisonment.

Once the Revolutionary Students' Alliance does these tasks, this will set the ground for revolutionary swing not just in our institution but across the country.

On Combating Populism by Lindokuhle Mponco

The society we live in has many problems. These problems are a result of the contradictions that emanate from the development of society and humanity. However, since the dawn of the state we have seen a tendency that has not only captured societies, but this tendency has led to chaos and anarchy that lead society to the bottomless pit of poverty, misery, and inequality. We have seen this tendency rise in our institution due to a political vacuum that normally pops up during the tenure of interim structures. In our institution we have seen tendencies of this nature rise, and in their rise, they have been directed to the SRC.

This is not to say the SRC is an innocent organ that is spotless and holy. I have been accused of portraying the SRC as such; however, those who have accused me of such have failed to produce evidence of such. I want to state it clearly that my views are influenced by my commitment to Marxist-Leninist-Fanonian thought and the Party that adheres to this school of thought, the EFF and its student wing, the EFFSC. My studies of this school of thought have taught me the importance of a dialectical analysis when analyzing issues. This is to ensure that the response to these issues is wholositic in its approach, and rooted in practicality. Hence, the understanding of dialectical materialism is important when analyzing this question of Populism.

Populism has gripped our institution due to a lack of political acumen and content. The populist character of the recent attacks against the SRC displays the lack of political acumen and content. To successfully combat this populist tendency one must adhere to the principle of Amilcar Cabral. Amilcar Cabral teaches us to, "Tell no lies, claim no easy victories, and hide nothing from the masses of our people." This is primarily due to the reality of the socio-political terrain of wins and losses. We must be clear that communication lines of the SRC have not been ideal and straightforward. However, the approach of ensuring that the SRC communicates with absolute clarity on issues has been a display of the lack of political sense and reasoning. I must put it on record that the EFFSC has been the only Organisation that has managed to do this for the benefit of students due to the superior logic that is entailed in its approach to problem solving. Like a true vanguard, it has not said things for the sake of riling up the crowd and getting a reaction. It has articulated its posture in the most dialectical but practical way.

The reality is that we need a mass meeting as soon as possible to address certain issues in the immediate, and simultaneously we need to pave the way for the ISP to convene so that we can close the vacuum that seems to exist. The SRC can only be accountable and functional as an organ of the students if political organisations are clear on the problems, and offer practical solutions grounded in a materialist conception of the issues at hand. This understanding of dialectical materialism and the deliberate effort to inculcate this thought across the political space by the Vanguard of Students' and Community struggles, the EFFSC is the first step we must take to combat populism. The consistent use of dialectical materialism in our analysis and the spread of this tool of analysis is the most definite, but long term method we can use to combat populism.

The second step we must take is immediate but transitionary in character. That step was the guiding method of the Bolsheviks in 1917. Lenin encouraged the Party to 'patiently explain the conditions'. Patient explanation requires one to be meticulous and thorough in his/her understanding of issues. The call to disband the SRC and have elections immediately is the first example of a shortsighted approach to the problem. All revolutionaries will agree that we need to sit elections, but the route needs to be practical and clear. The essence of electing an SRC needs to be protected; however, we must make sure that in our protection of this essence we do not use idealist and populist methods. The method of using the SGC to our advantage through a radical interpretation has proven to work before. An example was the fight for adherence to section 5 of the SGC.

Those involved in that struggle will know that we patiently explained the problem, and ensured we did not open loopholes for the management to deviate from the section. This populist attempt is not only loophole ridden but lacks the practical impetus to convince even the most politically underdeveloped activist. This is primarily due to the lack of logic. This lack of logic displays itself in these shapes and forms. These few activists have displayed this illogical populist slogan for all to see. It is not that the essence of what they are calling for is wrong, but the approach to the call the framing of the demand is wrong and illogical. You cannot fix a house that has not been fundamentally damaged by demolishing the building and starting again without the necessary modalities.

The impracticality of this call is not on the basis of the idea in itself but lies in the framing of the idea. The most logical step is to put pressure on the SRC to call a mass meeting. That is where the energies should be directed to so that students can raise their voice and not be used for attempts to elevate some political charlatans to the upper echelons of student governance. Combating populism by patiently explaining the conditions and the next logical step is the immediate method of combating populism. The Kornilov like character of this wave is the exact reason why all revolutionaries should band against this attempt to unnecessarily unseat the SRC. I am not saying that the SRC must not be removed, but much like Trotsky and Lenin in 1917 we must guard the gains of the revolution by combating this tendency before confronting the regime head on. The reality is that this attempt is distracting us from ensuring that we use all the necessary measures to hold them accountable, while taking the fight to management.

Combating populism in our political space is the first thing we ought to do if we are to advance the student movement towards victory. The collapse of student activism can be located to this desire of 15 minutes of fame, only for charlatans to enter office and become an extension of management. We must combat populism by unmasking the lies and distortions of populists. Unmasking these lies is paramount to the fight of combating populism. Populism is centered around distortions and lies. Twisting facts is the centre of populism, and as such we must unmask lies and expose charlatans so that our movement can be cleansed from staff riders and opportunists. Staff riders and opportunists in their nature are populists and it is important for us to isolate this tendency by providing ideological clarity and superior logic!

All r

On Professionalizing the Work of the ISP by Lindokuhle Mponco

                                                                                                                         

The ISP in the University of Fort Hare has been riddled with a lot of technical and administrative issues. This is due to the lack of concern for such matters. As a result, in the year of 2022 we did not have SRC Elections not because of extraordinary circumstances like 2020 (COVID-19) but because of administrative and technical issues. These technical issues have bogged down the structure as an objective whole and has aided in shifting the momentum towards the forces of reaction and counter-revolution. The question of professionalizing the ISP has been a question the author has not tackled before, but in reality, this question goes hand in hand with the question of deepening the role ISP ought to play in the general body politic. If we are serious about reviving student activism, protecting and renewing student governance, and deepening the roots of the struggle for free, quality, well-resourced, and decolonized education then we need to zoom into the task of professionalizing the work of the ISP.

The need for professionalism

The ISP is a body which consists of societies, political organizations, and SRC in toto (this means including their sub-structures). To convene, coordinate, organize, and represent such a body one needs a Secretariat that will center the question of professionalizing the work of the ISP. This body is largely responsible for the policy and political framework that determines the posture of student activism. If this body is not professional, then student activism will collapse as we have seen in the recent years. This means that our Student Parliament has to be centered on the principle of organizing itself in a much more professional manner. It is no secret that the ISP has been bedeviled by the plague of bogusness. This bogusness has become the character of the ISP with the next Secretariat becoming more bogus than the other despite the subjective reasons one might give. Whether one wants to admit it or not, prior to the Legal Opinion that was offered by the Deputy Registrar: Legal & Governance, Ms. Ntibi Maepa, the ISP was bogus. The fact that the ISP Organizer, Cde. Godfrey Ganya, at the time used this for his own subjective and personal reasons does not negate the ultimate reality that he was also admitting that the legality of the Secretariat he served under was questionable if not outrightly contestable and invalid. However, the politics of the Institution resolved to remove the ISP Organizer who was elected at the time, Cde. Lona Mketsu, and the author of this article who served as ISP Finance Officer.

This back and forth, and the legal wrangling proved one thing and one thing only, the ISP was illegal until the legal opinion which ruled on the correction of the credentials and rerunning the impeachment process. It is necessary to say that this was done as per the recommendation of the legal opinion but because the politics of the Institution did not allow the autonomy of the ISP to be respected, the ruling was dubiously and unconstitutionally overruled in as far as the impeachment was concerned. It is also necessary for us to state that when we objectively look at the legal opinion itself, it was a legal opinion that was unconstitutional but became a necessary measure of resetting the administrative controls of the ISP. I must make it clear that the author of this article, and Cde. Lona Mketsu fought tooth and nail for constitutionalism to be restored. We cannot forget to mention other allies in this struggle like Cde. Aphelele Maliwa, Cde. Sanele Mngambi, Cde. Luyanda Ndlovu, and many other comrades in the Secretariat who fought tooth and nail for the protection of the constitution. We must mention the role Cde. Godfrey Ganya played in ensuring that the rule of capitalists in as far as administrating our elections is eradicated, and the IEC is constituted according to the guidelines of the SGC. However, one reality that the ISP as a body could not escape was the question of professionalism. This lack of professionalism and mistrust led to the ultimate collapse of the Secretariat and ultimately the ISP as a body. The question of professionalism will be the main question that will grip the incoming Secretariat, and it is important that the next Secretariat consists of individuals with institutional memory and revolutionary credentials. These will be important when dealing with the Student Affairs department.

The need for a revolutionary leadership to professionalize ISP.

The main question that has gripped members of the ISP in the years gone by has always been the question of a revolutionary leadership. This question has been simplified to the question of those who have sold out and those who have not sold out yet. The yet is very important because it has never escaped the minds of MPs and various leaders that most leaders go into governance positions claiming to be revolutionary only for them to end up being the opposite. However, it is only last year where we saw the question being posed clearly due to the resurrection of revolutionary politics in the institution, and the rise of a revolutionary bloc within the corridors of the ISP chambers. The resurrection of this question comes in the midst of what one would call a period of reaction which masquerades as a period of renewal. The infighting between Senior managers of this institution has given a certain bloc within the institution impetus and a cover for their aim to suppress student activism. However, this has not gone unnoticed and the challenge this bloc has been having is how to contain this revolutionary element, while protecting their interests and gaining mass support for their program. We must be honest with ourselves that this period of renewal cannot gain the necessary momentum it needs unless it centers itself with the struggle of the masses. The question of a revolutionary leadership comes in at this particular juncture. 

The Decade of Renewal cannot take off if the primary stakeholder (the student) is not involved, and in fact is a target of this renewal campaign. This is no different to Ramaphosa chanting a new dawn only to suppress the working class which is ironically the base of the ANC and the campaign for renewal and unity in the ANC. The same can be said to be true when it comes to the question of the University of Fort Hare. Prof. Buhlungu cannot implement his program of renewal unless the program is centered around students being the primary motive force of this program. The ISP in this regard will play a critical role in ensuring that it mobilizes the student populace behind this program without contradiction because it represents the aspirations of students and workers in the institution. Any anti-Student/anti-Worker method of implementing this program will fail and the Decade of Renewal will be a damp squib. The need for a revolutionary leadership to professionalize the ISP has become unavoidable due to how the ISP has failed to respond to the question of renewal and centering the students in this particular process. Instead, the ISP has become the center of political squabbles because there is no sense of professionalism to guide the work of the ISP. Instead, we have a large contingent of MPs that seek to use the ISP as an access card to Senior managers and resources for their own benefit. A professional ISP will be able to deal with all the revolutionary questions posed to it with an efficiency unparalleled. This efficiency can only be delivered by a revolutionary leadership!

What is to be done?

The EFFSC must begin the process of lobbying all progressive forces towards the position of professionalizing the ISP through identifying the revolutionaries who will be suitable for this task. However, the first task of the EFFSC is to give the upcoming Parliamentary sitting a political posture and sharpen the contestation of ideas for the upcoming sitting. It must draw lessons from the experience of 2021 and 2022 and develop guidelines which will ensure that every cadre is on board and understands the tasks that lay ahead. The EFFSC must begin the task of inducting all its MPs and potential MPs in the understanding of how a Marxist-Leninist-Fanonian organization must approach the question of Parliaments because in reality the ISP is a bourgeois parliament due to the capitalist character of the institution, and the system that governs it. The EFFSC must deepen its relationship with all like-minded political organizations and societies with the aim of bringing about a revolutionary outcome. It must also spearhead a mass agitation campaign to agitate and mobilize all the MPs towards this revolutionary position of professionalizing the work of the ISP and ensuring that this is done by a revolutionary leadership. We must continue the fight for a revolutionary parliament even though we understand the limitations of the system.

As revolutionaries that belong to the EFFSC, we must at all material times guard the revolution against tendencies that seek to use the organization as an accumulation tool and begin the campaign of revolutionizing the student activist space. It is our duty as Marxists to ensure that student activism is in the hands of students, and that our struggle is linked to that of the working class, and ultimately the broader struggle against capitalism.