Monday 7 June 2021

On building a revolutionary organisation Part One by Lindokuhle Mponco

 

                    On building a revolutionary organisation pt. 1

                                                              by

                                              Lindokuhle Mponco

 

We always hear, see, or even read this word organisation but have we ever taken the time to understand what the word organisation means? The first thing that comes to mind when you think of the word organisation is essentially the condition of a concrete object. Organisation is essentially the state of readiness which comes from awareness. This awareness comes from a realisation that to reach maximum output, one needs to collectivise the necessary resources to achieve this aim. This in a nutshell is what the word organisation means.

Now adding revolutionary to the mix immediately shifts it to another level and assigns a task to that organisation. An organisation that espouses and claims to be revolutionary must be measured by that standard, and first we must understand the meaning of the word revolutionary. Revolutionary technically means a full circle movement. However, in political terms it means the abrupt termination of the way of doing things to usher in a new way of doing things (Lenin, 1917). This way of doing things has to be organised, and as such it is why we refer to it as an order. The Old Order immediately implies the old way of organising oneself, or society, while the New Order immediately implies the new way of organising oneself, or society (Lenin, 1917). In essence, a revolutionary organisation is a collective of individuals that seek to establish a new way of doing things. Their method of ushering in this new way of doing things is characterised by terminating the old way of doing things abruptly. As such, this abrupt termination is often accompanied by blood, sweat, and tears due to how this conflict is built up and ultimately unfolds (Lenin, 1917).

The termination of the old way of doing things means that the new way of doing things must usher in a group of individuals who will organise society on this basis, and they cannot accomplish this task without being organised into one body, or structure (Lenin, 1917). From this we can deduce that to establish a new way of doing things and ultimately establish a new society means there must be an organisation (Lenin, What is to be done?, 1902).  A new way of doing things just does not pop out of nowhere, it must emerge from somewhere because everything has a starting point. This evolutionary process happens due to two different forces, which in most cases in human history are inherently contradictory to each other due to having different interests (Marx K. &., 1848). For an order to exist one must subject the other one to the other, and from there on the production of ideas, and accumulation of resources will mostly benefit those that run the order and have subjected the other force to their rule. These forces are known as classes, and it is from this experience that we see that human history is a product of class struggle (Marx K. &., 1848). Marx & Engels are not the only thinkers that have come to this conclusion, British Sociologist Max Weber also comes to this conclusion too. It is from these conclusions that we realise that the duty of every subject class is to collectivise its resources with the sole aim of abruptly terminating the old way of doing things to establish the new way of doing things (Lenin, 1917). Lenin goes on to further say that the need to terminate the old way of doing things stems from the changing material conditions (Lenin, 1917). The material conditions change because the means of producing the necessary resources to reproduce life have stagnated, and this stagnancy creates a degeneration of the system used to do things (Marx K. &., 1848).

The stagnancy leads to decreasing living standards, and further drives the subject class downwards. This push down leads to a response of the subject class either being in tow with the decline, or a resistance which is characterised by the subject class rejecting the way of doing things, and abruptly terminating them to usher in a new way of doing things, fit for the material conditions (Marx K. &., 1848). This is then called a revolution, and in our experience as humans we have come to know that organisation is a core element of any revolution, and it is organisations that carry out revolutions. In essence, there is no spontaneous revolution, and all revolutions are driven by ideas of the dominant organisation within the subject class (Trotsky, 1907). These ideas emerge because of the experience of the system by the subject class. This experience of constant conflict and clashes with the ruling class leads to a realisation that for one to enjoy the same benefits in this society, one must reshape this society to create an entirely new society which will elevate those at the bottom at the ultimate expense of those at the top (Marx K. &., 1848).

Due to this, the need to organise this group of diverse individuals who have a common interest, and a common grievance leads to these individuals to formulate ideas and theories which will be applied to overcome this dominant/ruling class. As such, an organisation is formed to not only carry out these ideas but to educate the rest of the subject class with the aim of liberating them from the yoke of the ruling class (Lenin, What is to be done?, 1902). The organisation either from the onset is geared towards abruptly terminating the old way of doing things to usher in the new way of doing things or is geared towards gradually revising the old way of doing things. The revision has been proven time and time again to be a futile exercise due the fact that all systems, or rather way of doing things come and go based on the changing material conditions (Marx K. &., 1848). From the old society, we see the germs of the new society and it is these germs that grow to a point whereby they create a new organism with characteristics of the old society but at the same time a wholly new organism with the germs of the new society (Marx K. , 1871). The need to create this new society means that the subject class must be equally organised if not more organised than the ruling class. In one of his articles, Lenin once said a slogan of winning over the army, and arming the people was a positive slogan in the struggle against despotism and capitalism due to how it practically organised the subject class and gave them an advantage when it comes to abruptly terminating the old way of doing things. Once again, an organisation must exist for these slogans to exist, and a revolutionary organisation serves that purpose of producing ideas, spreading them, and applying them to liberate the subject class by using the subject class itself (Lenin, The State and Revolution, 1917).

A revolutionary organisation must identify the motive forces, or rather the driving forces of this struggle against the old way of doing things. Once they have identified these forces, they then must collectivise their struggles into one programme which will speak to the general overthrow of the old way of doing things to usher in the new way of doing things. Once they have been collectivised it is automatic that they will operate under one banner, which represents the common interests of the subject class. The motive forces, or rather the driving forces of this struggle must always be trained and equipped for this task so that they do not degenerate, and usher in the era of caricatures and distorted new ways of doing things. It is the duty of the individuals who study, analyse, and understand these ideas and theories to ensure that the essence of these ideas and theories do not die out, but are constantly developed and shaped to fit the material conditions. Should these ideas and theories exhaust their historical necessity, it is bound to happen that their death will usher in new ideas and theories to advance the struggle of the subject class, and as such a revolutionary organisation must always anticipate such due to its inherent character of always being ready to terminate abruptly the old way of doing things (Marx K. &., 1848). However, time is a process which dialectically turns the revolutionary organisation of today to an oppressor organisation of tomorrow, and such a contradiction can only be resolved through the termination of a class-based society and the creation of a classless society (Marx K. &., 1848).

It is on this basis that we can begin this gigantic process of building a revolutionary organisation which will usher in a society whereby the old way of doing things is a distant memory, and the new way of doing things is a reality. Once we understand why a revolutionary organisation exists, the conditions that lead to its existence, and the ideas and theories that sustain the revolutionary organisation for it to abruptly terminate the old way of doing things, to usher in the new way of doing things, then the task of building a revolutionary organisation will be much easier.

 

7 June 2021

East London, South Africa  

 

 

 

 

 

Wednesday 2 June 2021

The Poverty of Ideas by Lindokuhle Mponco

 

                                The Poverty of Ideas in Student Politics

                                                              Authored by

                                                  Lindokuhle Mponco

 

The students in South African institutions of higher learning have shown massive revolutionary potential. When it comes to mobilising, they have mirrored the days of the ‘80s when the then leader of the ANC, O.R Tambo raised a clarion call to make South Africa ungovernable  due to an Apartheid regime which was not only hell bent on killing black people for show, but a regime which was hell bent on ensuring that the education system indoctrinates the masses with White Supremacist and Capitalist ideas. This was not the only reason, the other reason was the suppression of Communist ideas and theory. However, the lack of ideas has led to the student movement facing a blind alley every time they go on the offensive.

One might ask themselves what is the cause of this? The answer to this question was answered by the leader of the Bolshevik party, Vladimir Lenin. He said, “There is no revolutionary movement without theory” (Lenin, 1902). This was articulated in his classic book, What is to be done? Lenin stressed this point because during the time preceding the 1905 Russian uprising many of the RSDLP cadres believed in the revisionist tendency of peaceful cooperation with the bosses, consistent with the ideas of leading revisionist Eduard Bernstein. The revisionist camp was also very open about their disdain for theory, due to the perception that theory is too abstract, if not impractical. This also highlighted the fact that the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP) was filled with opportunists, and revisionists.

Now we can parallel this same tendency with the tendency that not only dominates South African political discourse and practice, but also dominates the student movement’s character. This disdain for theory came about due to the co-opting of student organisations that were theoretically grounded. The co-opting of these student organisations was facilitated by their fraternal allies, and eventually the capitalist class. SASCO is a prime example of this, and as a result the student movement has not only grown weaker in character, but also confused in terms of ideology. This creates a situation whereby the predominant ideas are reactionary, if not reformist. This tendency to over emphasise practice over theory has led to a situation whereby students fight the state only to succumb to the state.

The constant back and forth proves what Rosa Luxemburg had said to Bernstein from 1898 – 1899, that this system cannot be reformed, it must be overthrown (Luxemburg, 1899). If  SASCO and many other student organisations that claim to have revolutionary traditions had taught this to the students, the students would have drawn the necessary conclusion to connect their struggle with the working class, and the peasantry. The entry of the EFFSC has been a welcome entry into the student movement due to the revolutionary character of the said organisation. The EFFSC has not only stopped there but it has also emphasised the Leninist adage of no revolutionary movement without theory. Which is why during the #FeesMustFall era, we witnessed a battle of ideas which eventually proved to be necessary to weed out the opportunist elements. This battle saw the rise of Fanon’s ideas in public discourse, while also bringing back Marxism-Leninism to the fore.

It is a pity that the battle of ideas occurred during a very critical point in the struggle for free education, however this battle of ideas led to a clear path, and it also exposed the opportunistic elements of certain leaders from the PYA (an alliance of SASCO, YCL, and ANCYL), who used this as an opportunity to attain parliamentary seats, and magazine cover spreads. This opportunism was eventually seen by the students, which is why the call to shutdown institutions does not excite students anymore because they know that their struggles are being used as an audition to rise in the ranks of their respective parties. While this was happening, EFFSC and PASMA cadres & activists were being arrested left, right, and centre due their more radical approach in the struggle for free education. PASMA mirrors the same tendency that dominated the Socialist Revolutionary Party in Tsarist Russia. They believe in a socialist order which is steeped in nationalist tendencies, masked as Pan-Africanism. Their refusal to come out as a non-racial organisation diminishes them into nothing but a sectarian student wing which has lost its spark.

Suffice to say that they agree on most questions with the EFFSC besides the point of non-racialism. This is due to the EFFSC being a product of the EFF, which in turn is a product of the Freedom Charter. I will not go into why the EFF is a product of the Freedom Charter, what I will emphasise is that the EFF, and its student wing EFFSC left the ANC due to them abandoning the Freedom Charter as their programme. It is on this basis that the EFFSC raises the clarion call of free quality well resourced, and decolonised education. This idea has been lost in the muddy waters of the opportunistic tendencies of SASCO, and in extension the PYA. This poverty of ideas has not only blunted the student movement, but it is draining the necessary energy required for the next tide. When the working class rises again to the call for liberation from capitalism, the student movement should be prepared to act as an auxiliary force and subordinate their programme to that of the workers. This can only happen if ideas are injected in the struggle.

Not just any ideas, but ideas that have proven overtime to work in advancing the revolutionary movement and completing its necessary tasks. One of those tasks being the complete overthrow of the capitalist regime. The overthrow of the capitalist regime is connected to the overthrow of commodified education. We cannot have free education in a capitalist system, this being due to the commodified nature of the system. The recent budget cuts to NSFAS are proof that #FeesMustFall – revolutionary as it was – was akin to one farting in the water, because those gains have been lost in a space of 4 years! That is why Rosa Luxemburg, and a plethora of other revolutionary Marxists agree that reforming the system is not the end goal; the end goal is to overthrow the system. This is not to say that we will not welcome reforms. Reforms are welcomed, however when we have a wealth of ideas, we understand that reforms are a temporary solution, while revolution is a permanent solution.

It is only through theoretical grounding, and not just any theory; but through a Marxist-Leninist theoretical framework and praxis that the students will overcome and win the battle for free quality, well resourced, and decolonised education for all!